He has shown a disinterest in working with minorities. When Scott met with black lawmakers who were concerned he does not have a single minority in his cabinet, he tried to ingratiate himself by saying he could relate to them: He had grown up in public housing with a parent who had a sixth-grade education. How charming.
Scott, who was viewed with suspicion by Hispanics during the campaign because of his promise to bring harsh Arizona-style immigration enforcement to the state, briefly softened his stance ? at least until after his brief appearance at the Hispanic Leadership Network. Then he reverted back to his old rhetoric.
His budget, presented to a tea party rally as if the rest of the state didn?t matter, pushed corporate tax cuts onto the backs of teachers, county and state workers, and correctional officers. Maybe if those correctional officers had contributed $100,000 at his inauguration, which was a dolled-up fundraiser for him and the Florida Republican Party, things might have been different. But instead, it was the Geo Group ? which runs private prisons and employs Scott?s close chum, Bill Rubin, as its lobbyist ? handing out the checks. And surprise, one of the first targets of Scott?s decimation of the state infrastructure was ? the state prison system.
Scott campaigned against the hiring of state lobbyists, then hired state lobbyists. The difference, he explained, was that these were his lobbyists. He threw state Sen. Paula Dockery, one of his earliest political supporters, under the political bus (or train) by rejecting $2.4 billion in federal money for a high-speed rail project that she had been working on for years. That decision reportedly occurred after he met with tea partiers in his office.
Hey, appeasing those loyal tea partiers by making an anti-Obama statement comes before political loyalty ? or creating upwards of 20,000 Florida jobs.
Scott, who was viewed with suspicion by Hispanics during the campaign because of his promise to bring harsh Arizona-style immigration enforcement to the state, briefly softened his stance ? at least until after his brief appearance at the Hispanic Leadership Network. Then he reverted back to his old rhetoric.
His budget, presented to a tea party rally as if the rest of the state didn?t matter, pushed corporate tax cuts onto the backs of teachers, county and state workers, and correctional officers. Maybe if those correctional officers had contributed $100,000 at his inauguration, which was a dolled-up fundraiser for him and the Florida Republican Party, things might have been different. But instead, it was the Geo Group ? which runs private prisons and employs Scott?s close chum, Bill Rubin, as its lobbyist ? handing out the checks. And surprise, one of the first targets of Scott?s decimation of the state infrastructure was ? the state prison system.
Scott campaigned against the hiring of state lobbyists, then hired state lobbyists. The difference, he explained, was that these were his lobbyists. He threw state Sen. Paula Dockery, one of his earliest political supporters, under the political bus (or train) by rejecting $2.4 billion in federal money for a high-speed rail project that she had been working on for years. That decision reportedly occurred after he met with tea partiers in his office.
Hey, appeasing those loyal tea partiers by making an anti-Obama statement comes before political loyalty ? or creating upwards of 20,000 Florida jobs.
